Research on CSOs and NGOs

List of Acronyms

1. CSOs- Civil Society Organisations
2. CED – Community Economic Development
3. NGOs- Non Governmental Organisations
4. PVOs – Private Voluntary Organisations
5. NPOs- Non Profit Organisations
6. IMF- International Monetary Fund
7. CIANCO - Cook Island Association of NGO’s
8. APFO -Africa Peace Forum
9. DRC- Democratic Republic of Congo
10. CS-Civil Society
11. ACODE – Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment
12. UN – United Nations
13. HIV/AIDS- Human Immunodeficiency Virus Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
14. TAMWA- Tanzania Media Women Association
15. REPOA -Research on Poverty Alleviation
16. UNDP-United Nations Development Programme
17. TENMET- Tanzania Education Network
18. CEF- Commonwealth Education Fund
19. RFE- Rapid Funding Envelope
20. O and OD- Obstacles and Opportunities to Development
21. JAST- Joint assistance strategy for Tanzania:
22. PRS- Poverty Reduction Strategy
23. MKUKUTA- (Kiswahili) Mkakati wa Kupunguza Umaskini Tanzania
24. PRSP- Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
25. MKUZA- (Kiswahili) Mkakati wa Kupunguza Umaskini Zanzibar
26. National Confederation of Guinean Workers
27. GWU- Guinean Workers Union
28. GCAP- Global Call to Action Against Poverty
29. TGNP- Tanzania gender Networking Programme
30. SOSPA- Sexual Offences and Special Provision Act
31. TANU -Tanganyika African National Union.
32. NSGPR- National Strategy for Growth and Poverty Reduction
33. LEAT- Lawyers Environmental Action Team
34. CCM- ( Kiswahili) Tanzania ruling party Chama cha Mapinduzi
35. EPA- The Economic Partnership Agreement
36. ACP- African Caribbean and Pacific
37. EU- European Union, AU- African Union
38. CD- Community Development
39. MDGs – Millenium Development Goals
40. PMO- RALG – Prime Minister’s Office Regional Administration and Local Government

Table of Contents

Title and Subtitle	Page
1.0 Introduction 1.1 Outline and Conceptualization	6
1.2 Conceptualization	6
2.0 Theoretical Context 2.1 Civil society and democracy	8
2.2 Political Transition:	8
2.3 Development Partnership:	9
2.4 NGOs in Tanzania:	10
3.0 Partnership Development. Examples of from the International level: 3.1 Macro level partnership:	10
3.2 Change of government attitude toward CSOs.	11
Examples from Africa 3.3. CSO and political participation outside formal state:	11
3.4 The Role of Civil Society in Peace building in the Great Lakes Region:	12
4.0 More Examples from Tanzania 4.1 National Civil Society Advisory Committee Launched in Tanzania	13
4.2 The role of Civil Society in decentralization in Tanzania	13
4.3 Partnering to scale up HIV and AIDS Programmes:	14
4.4 Collaboration to promote democratization:	14
4.5 Transition into Multiparty Democracy:	15
4.6 Civil society – state relations and PRS	15
4.7 Joint assistance strategy for Tanzania	16
4.8 Civil Society and Budget Decisions:	16
5.0 CSOs and Policy Issues: Government, NGO’s, donors working together on policy issues: 5.1 The state and civil society relations in Tanzania: the case of the national NGOs policy.	17
5.2 Access to Cabinet Papers.	19
6.0 CSOs Political Opposition. Examples from the International level 6.1 The Polish Democratic Opposition:	19
7.0 Examples from Africa: 7.1 Opposing authoritarian regimes	20
7.2 Civil Society and political transition in Africa	21
7.3 Intense CSO/Political Opposition in Ethiopia	21
7.4 GUINEA: Civil society crystallizing around unions	21
8.0 More examples from Tanzania 8.1 Government-civil society relations in Tanzania .	22
8.2 The conflict of land management and democratization in Tanzania	24
8.3 Press Opposition and Freedom in Tanzania	24
9.0 CSOs and Community Economic Development:	25
10.0 Summary	28
11.0 Conclusion and Recommendations	29
Bibliography	30

1.2 Introduction

1.3 Outline and Conceptualization

This review is a collection of information around opposing views and sets of findings on Civil Society Organisations as development partners or political opponents. The paper will start by a conceptual presentation of related terminologies. There will be some theories, historical events and research findings supporting the arguments forwarded. There will also be empirical review of what has taken place in developing countries. Also there will be a summary showing how CSOs have successfully worked with states as development partners. This will be followed by opposing situations in which the CSOs are regarded as a threat or political opponents in relation with addressing development issues. Collaboration in policy formulation will also be cited. Examples will be picked from the developing countries at the global level up to the national level using the Tanzania’s experience. Finally, the findings will be related to the community Economic Development by looking at how the findings have influenced CED in the developing countries. Therefore the approach of the presentation is that of looking at opposing views on the issue and providing a way of resolving the issue through using a CED approach and providing a conclusion.

1.2 Conceptualization

The relevant concepts here include, Civil society, Partnership, Civil disobedience, and Political opposition.

Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia defines Civil society as “composed of the totality of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions that form the basis of a functioning society as opposed to the force-backed structures of a state (regardless of that state's political system) and commercial institutions. On the origin of the concept, he says that the term is often traced to Adam Ferguson, who saw the development of a "commercial state" as a way to change the corrupt feudal order and strengthen the liberty of the individual. …..Broadly speaking, the term was split, to the political left and right. On the left, it became the foundation for Karl Marx's bourgeois society; to the right it became a description for all non-state aspects of society, expanding out of the economic rigidity of Marxism into culture, society and politics”.

Also in the encyclopedia, The London School of Economics Centre for Civil Society working definition is illustrative: “Civil society refers to the arena of un coerced collective action around shared interests, purposes and values. …..Civil societies are often populated by organizations such as registered charities, development non-governmental organizations, community groups, women's organizations, faith-based organizations, professional associations, trade unions, self-help groups, social movements, business associations, coalitions and advocacy groups.”

Woods (1992) defines civil society as the concept used in a variety of ways like referring to the emergence of new patterns of political participation. Outside of formal state structures and one party systems. Braton (1989).

Broadly, examples of civil society institutions according to the encyclopedia include

academia, activist groups, charities, citizens' militia, civic groups, clubs (sports, social, etc.), community foundations, community organizations, consumers/consumer organizations, cooperatives, cultural groups, environmental groups, intermediary organizations for the voluntary and non-profit sector, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), non-profit organizations (NPOs), policy institutions, private voluntary organizations (PVOs), professional associations, religious organizations, support groups, trade unions, women's groups.

Bratton (1994) adds the norms of a civic community being the most important values for construction of civil society as: trust, reciprocity, tolerance, and inclusion. These are promoted by citizens who seek to participate in public affairs.

Partnership according to Ridley (2001) implies “a commitment to a common goal through the joint provision of complementary resources and expertise, and the joint sharing of the risks involved. Negotiations and contractual arrangements have to be entered into, and the agreements necessary to enable it to be implemented may or may not be achieved. However, the mindset induced by the partnership concept means that the negotiations are positively, not negatively, directed from the outset”.

Non-governmental organisation (NGO): “NGOs are according to the Tanzania NGO Act, 2002, Section 2, defined as “a voluntary grouping of individuals or organization which is autonomous, non-partisan, non-profit making, which is organized locally at the grassroots, national or international levels for the purpose of enhancing or promoting economic, environmental, social or cultural development or protecting environment, lobbying or advocating on issues of public interest of a group of individuals or organization, and includes a non-governmental organization established under the auspices of any religious organization or faith-propagating organization, trade union, sports club, political party, or community based organization; …..”

Civil disobedience: The active refusal to obey certain laws, demands and commands of a government or of an occupying power without resorting to physical violence.

Political Opposition: In politics, the opposition comprises of one or more political parties or other organised groups that are opposed to the government, party or group in political control of an area, country or state and political opposition?

2.0 Theoretical Context

2.1 Civil society and democracy

Wikipedia adds that “the literature on links between civil society and democracy have their root in early liberal writings like those of Tocqueville. However they were developed in significant ways by 20th century theorists like Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, who identified the role of civil society in a democratic order as vital. They argued that the political element of many civil society organisations facilitates better awareness and a more informed citizenry, who make better voting choices, participate in politics, and hold government more accountable as a result. The statutes of these organizations have often been considered micro-constitutions because they accustom participants to the formalities of democratic decision making.

More recently, Robert Putnam has argued that even non-political organisations in civil society are vital for democracy. This is because they build social capital, trust and shared values, which are transferred into the political sphere and help to hold society together, facilitating an understanding of the interconnectedness of society and interests within it.

Others, however, have questioned how democratic civil society actually is. Some have noted that the “civil society actors have now obtained a remarkable amount of political power without anyone directly electing or appointing them.”

2.2 Political Transition:

Bratton (1994) writing on Civil Society and political transition in Africa, shares that “, The renewal of interest in democracy has thrust the concept of civil society into a prominent position in social science theory and development policy. Pressures for political reform reflected in the international arena where superpowers have adjusted to the end of the cold war by withdrawing or reducing support to client states, thus undercutting authoritarian regimes. He also argues that demand for political change within domestic societies as citizens have mobilized to rid themselves of the military and one party structures with illegitimate power emphasizing the importance of civil society. He adds that “The roots of civil society can be found in both the liberal and Marxist Traditions of European political thought emphasizing voluntary associations in promoting democratic citizenship. The emergence of a democratic opposition to authoritarian party states in Central and eastern Europe provided the impetus to the contemporary revival of civil society. He adds that the networks of public communication help citizens to be politically active, to communicate with one another, to debate the type of government they desire for themselves.

2.3 Development Partnership: The rationale for addressing shared issues is got from several readings on development websites. It is becoming more and more common for government, business, and civil society to collaborate in addressing issues such as poverty, health, education, infrastructure development, public services, and public housing. It is also important that, in public discussion, grounds for future consultation are prepared with clear mechanisms for providing feedback to the participating public. Civil society organizations work best at local or community level which can transfer partnership activity quickly through networks. Every member must maintain and gain more key stakeholder participants, understand each other’s goals and objectives as well as appreciate the differences. If certain stakeholders become distracted or are poorly organized, other members should make an effort and take leadership to assist in capacity building efforts. For a successful partnership, every partner must possess a high degree of integrity, maintain trust and legitimacy.

2.4 NGOs in Tanzania: Shivji I, making reflections on NGOs in Tanzania : What we are, what we are not and what we ought to be argued that most NGOs are top –down led by elites and are urban based. He adds that NGOs in Tanzania and the south did not come out of real concerns of people and therefore the relationship remains that of benefactors and beneficiaries which is not healthy. This he said leads to more accountability to donors than to the people. He argues that NGOs were developed in the “west as pressure groups to keep to keep those in power – the state and the government on their toes”. He suggests it was the NGOs role to struggle for expansion and space for people and peoples’ organizations within the representatives of the state…….” He also thinks that NGOs couldn’t be partners of and hold a stake, in the very system which oppresses and dehumanizes the large majority.

3.0 Partnership Development. Examples of from the International level:

3.1 Macro level partnership:

World Bank and IMF Civil Society Policy Forum at the Spring Meetings (2007). Recent Developments in IMF-CSO Relations. Spring Meetings.

The Civil Society Newsletter informs us that the 2007 Spring Meetings attracted strong civil society organization (CSO) participation with over 200 representatives from 34 countries at the Civil Society Policy Forum, which included Bank and Fund staff, CSOs, and government officials, in policy dialogue sessions to discuss the role of the Fund in sub-Saharan Africa; debt sustainability; the World Bank's health, nutrition and population strategy; Bank governance and anti-corruption strategy; climate change; Fund Board accountability; fiscal space and wage bill ceilings; and the IDA-15 replenishment. In opening remarks, de Rato stressed the important role of civil society in the development process. He called the Singapore agreement on Fund governance reform a historic decision that acknowledged that low-income countries should also have a stronger voice. The audience was reminded that the founders of modern economics, like Adam Smith and David Hume, considered it as rooted in ethics and not just a matter of self-interest. The Spring meetings are one way of collaboration between CSO’s and the International Funding bodies on critical development issues affecting developing countries.

Furthermore, Arielle Levine ( 2002) shares that the International conservation NGOs and development agencies have recently decided to converge and work on joint programming for environmental conservation. This shift has made NGOs to carry out the neoliberal policies. CED is environment sensitive. The best influence could be for the partnership to work with grassroots communities on environmental conservation and creating opportunities for earning money out of that..

3.2 Change of government attitude toward CSOs. Maeva, V president of the Cook Island Association of NGO’s (CIANCO) in the Pacific reports that almost every citizen belongs to a CS. However, the island’s government didn’t acknowledge that civil society was an equal partner in the development process but simply as a threat until when they organized a major campaign they managed to stop a new bill accused of over – regulating and over – controlling environmental and gender equality issues without allowing freedom of the islanders to make decision. Due to the activism of CIANCO we are told in the report that the attitude of the government towards NGOs has changed in the past few years and in 2001 the government started supporting the CSO’s, consulting them national development priorities.

Examples from Africa

3.3. CSO and political participation outside formal state: Woods D. (1992) believes that due to incapacities of states, much literature has shifted from the state and governing elites towards social actors who are devising various strategies to survive the crises caused by state action, economic development and political legitimacy (Doornbos 1990). He argues that civil society currently has become an alternative conceptualization of possibilities of economic and social development as it refers to social phenomena beyond formal state structures, the notion that explains new forms of participation and associational activity in Africa. With the development of public sphere in Africa, the question for the future economic and political development is whether we can “assume that the associations will be able to carry out some of the functions that state institutions and political parties have been unable to achieve, or that formal and informal groups will better accumulate and allocate resources than governments.”

According to Michael Bratton (1989) Non-governmental organizations have contributed significantly towards rural development in Africa. However, the response from African governments has been ambiguous. While they value the economic participation of NGOs, they are unhappy with the political pluralization implied by some NGOs. It is usually argued that politics rather than economics best explain the contribution of NGOs to development.

3.4 The Role of Civil Society in Peace building in the Great Lakes Region: Bainomugisha, A and Issaka, M. (2004) writing on this stress that the positive record of CSO’s to date in various regional and international initiatives underscores their relevance and growing importance to ongoing peace building efforts in the region. The complex interlocking conflicts, the spill over across boundaries, the large refugee movements, and environmental destruction all require an integrated regional response. Alongside challenges, CSO’s have made some achievements such like in Rwanda and Burundi women’s organizations are at the forefront of the reconciliation. Also in Rwanda churches have sought to offer a hospitable post conflict environment through humanitarian interventions during and after genocide. Muslim groups also saved the lives of the escapees. In Kenya CSO’s have fostered democratic transition and are still exerting considerable influence in the public issues debates. The Ugandan CSOs pressurized for the return to multiparty political system by 2006, while in the Democratic Republic of Congo CSO’s were part of the negotiations that led to the establishment of the Transitional Government in 2002. Moreover, the same source shares that the Africa Peace Forum (APFO) of Kenya has been deeply involved in the conflict management initiatives in Somalia and Sudan. Also The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation of Tanzania has been active in mediation efforts in Burundi and Rwanda. In the DRC, CS groups have been engaged in peace negotiations in Arusha , Lusaka and Pretoria that ended in the signing of the “Global and Inclusive Agreement on Transition in the DRC in 2002. Also, we read about the mismanagement and plundering of the region’s natural resources like in the DRC which has large deposit of diamonds, silver, iron, zinc, copper, uranium and others. Private external companies and regional states have competed for access to these by financing rebel groups.

These collaborations testified positive outcomes of state /civil society cooperation in participatory peace building initiatives. For example APFO in Kenya and ACODE in Uganda have established successful productive relations with governments without compromising their institutional independence.

4.0 More Examples from Tanzania

4.1 National Civil Society Advisory Committee Launched in Tanzania UNDP (2007).. In Tanzania, the UN website informs us how, “The United Nations Country Team has set up a Civil Society Advisory Committee to strengthen the contributions of the United Nations and civil society to the country’s development.” The justification was given at the opening of the first meeting on March 19, when the UN Resident Coordinator Oscar Fernandez Taranco emphasized the importance of the UN “to listen to and learn from its civil society partners. “Civil society plays an important role in the development process in Tanzania, mobilizing and empowering local communities, initiating policy and advocacy efforts and representing the voices of the voiceless. This makes civil society organizations an important partner for the UN.” he emphasized.

It is clarified that an 11 member committee was established following extensive consultations with a range of civil society actors. Representation is diverse including faith-based organizations, trade unions, the private sector, women’s organisations, youth organizations, people living with HIV/AIDS, people living with disabilities, policy networks and NGO umbrella associations. This step has been commended by the Tanzanian civil society as it is hoped that it will create spaces of “dialogue, networking, conflict resolution, capacity development and advocacy,” said Fatma Alloo, founder-coordinator of the Tanzania Media Women’s Association (TAMWA) and committee member.” Community Advisory Boards are now emerging in some areas especially in Kilimanjaro to listen to the community but also to safeguard the rights of the citizens if they have to be used as research subjects. However, the national level advisory committees have yet to input the community advisory committees.

4.2 The role of Civil Society in decentralization in Tanzania REPOA (Research on Poverty Alleviation) particularly shares that CSOs at national and local level generally have actively supported decentralization. However, the Tanzanian government” with its authoritarian tradition seems still uneasy in its relationship with CSOs , especially those that it perceives as being overly critical. Nationally CSOs and their federations have been participating in the formulation of the decentralization policy and are included in the donor- government forums. Specific examples include, REPOA which is implementing a “Public expenditure tracking system” and CSOs capacity building. Others include TANGO and Policy Forum both National NGO Umbrella organizations for CSOs capacity building and policy development respectively. REPOA also trains Local Government planners in O & OD participatory planning. CED should be a subset of decentralization but as new concept it is not mentioned in the decentralization policies.

4.3 Partnering to scale up HIV and AIDS Programmes: Severo C, Kimambo AI, Loughran L, Eshun J. (2004) informs us how at the 2002 Global AIDS Conference, delegates from developing countries expressed their dissatisfaction with the means of accessing new funding from the Global Fund for AIDS, TB and Malaria. There were barriers and challenges since 2000 to accessing such a fund and it was not until 2002 that the initial grants were awarded. Rapid Funding Envelope for HIV/AIDS (RFE) was created in July 2002 by the World Bank, and others. The efforts were made by the Tanzania Commission for AIDS and eight bilateral donors to advance the civil society response. The disaster of HIV and AIDS is a CED problem. Communities cannot develop economically when they are unhealthy, dying or caring for the sick. By having funding mobilized for AIDS it is one indirect way of supporting CED.

4.4 Collaboration to promote democratization:

Action Aid Commonwealth Education Fund. Tanzania Country Plan. 2002 – 2005. The Plan for the Commonwealth Education Fund has been developed in consultation with civil society organizations in the country. CSOs met in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi and were facilitated by a 3 agency group. ( Save the Children UK, Oxfam and Action Aid).Others included “Maarifa ni Ufunguo” and the Tanzania Education Network, TENMET.. A CEF Management Committee was formed including a member from each of the 3 Agency Group but also leading educational professionals from the University of Dar es Salaam.. The kick start of the process began with formation and strengthening of coalitions/local education networks at national and local levels for budget analysis and tracking with focus o monitoring government spending to enhance and improve allocation to the needs of the poor and vulnerable groups. The CSO’s are monitoring the Primary Education Development Plan ( PEDP) as advocacy priority. Social service provision is a basic community needs especially education for children.

4.5 Transisition into Multiparty Democracy: Connollly (2007) when writing on “Tanzania’s successful transition to multiparty democracy collected views of Tanzania’s civil society on its role in development, its relationship to the state, donor policy and experience of the PRSP to date. Generally, the CS wanted Tanzania to see them as partners both in policy and development and service provision. On CSO’s engagement in dialogue with the Tanzanian government, 94% said they engaged at some levels, 49% at all levels from village to national, 32% at district level, 13% at national level and 6% had no engagement at all. About how CSOs impacted the government policy, 64% said CSOs had positive impact, 36% said had some/little impact. Many accepted not having national ownership of the PRSP process. Also the CSOs wanted the government to provide them with funding as their partners in development. Generally they observed at least 50% of government’s opening up and attitude change.

4.6 Civil society – state relations and PRS, Also Corringan, A (2007) shares that CS experience of the first phase of PRS process didn’t improve their relationship with the state and they received criticism internally and externally. This made them strengthen themselves and a study conducted for the second phase (MKUKUTA) showed that the relations were improved and the state acknowledged the value of consultation and treated Cs “as partners in poverty reduction.”

The capacity of Tanzania’s NGOs has to be raised to promote CED and to collect views form the communities on how they have participated in PRSP. Emerging statistics could be compared with those of the CSOs.

4.7 Joint assistance strategy for Tanzania: JAST is a national medium term framework for managing development cooperation between the government of the United Republic of Tanzania and Development Partners to achieve national development and poverty reduction goals. The framework also outlines the roles of non state actors as contributors to successful implementation of strategy. Actors for JAST are the government which assumes a leadership role including implementation of MKUKUTA/MKUZA, formulating policies, strategies and plan. Parliamentarians oversee government activities; scrutinize national budgets with attention to strategic direction. Development partners support the achievement of MKUKUTA/MKUZA, capacity development through financial and technical assistance to government and non state actors. Communities formulate Local Government Plans identify, plan implement, monitor and evaluate development projects.

It is further reported that CS local and international do mobilize and enhance community participation and resources contribution in development and act as government partners in delivering community services. They also participate in Local government Planning, reviewing development strategies, projects and national budget process, disseminate user friendly information to the public and facilitate mutual accountability of the government. The Academic and Research Institutions generate and share knowledge and advice at different levels. The private sector formulate, plan and implement policies and strategies and cooperate with government through the Private Public Partnership… Finally, the Media informs the public, government and development partner activities and of development issues and reports on citizens views. As said earlier, time has come for joint ventures to address the economic needs of communities if the MKUKUTA and other goals have to be realized. Time for using communities is over!

4.8 Civil Society and Budget Decisions: Krafchik, W shares that since the 1990’s CSO’s have begun to play a larger role in the budget process in some developing countries. Budget groups then grew as sub sets of CSOs focusing on public sector budgets, government expenditures and taxation issues highlighting the impact of public budgets on the poor. He was certain that budget groups added value to the legislative budget by preparing accessible budget summaries and guides to budget, budget training targeting the legislatures, the media, CSOs and government personnel. Examples are of CIDE in Mexico and Idasa in South Africa. These have added information for public debate on budget, pro poor perspectives to budget deliberations and decision making. TGNP in Tanzania has also pushed for gender budgeting to support the marginalised.

5.0 CSOs and Policy Issues: Government, NGO’s, donors working together on policy issues:

5.1 The state and civil society relations in Tanzania: the case of the national NGOs policy. Mogella, in Reforming policy on NGOs in Tanzania, shows how in Tanzania, since the mid-1980s and early 1990s, a wide range of social, economic and political reforms were introduced, The main objectives were to ultimately facilitate NGO’s collective power for more participation of civil society in governance issues. The article shows possibilities of the government and NGO’s sitting together to discuss the design and formulation of a policy with the specific example of the Tanzania NGO policy. Moreover, the donor community also got the opportunity to intervene and participate in the policy process. They provided finance and participated fully in the different stages of the process. This was made possible by the Tanzanian government.

Egli et tal. Argues that lack of NGO policy also weakened the relations. In May 1996 at a consultative workshop attended by representatives of donor agencies, the major NGO umbrella bodies, and Government officials, the workshop set up a National Steering Committee for NGO Policy Formulation. This was the first major Government-civil society collaboration in policy development in more than 30 years. Accordingly, it probably helped move the Government toward accepting the right of civil society to contribute to policy formulation, and helped civil society actors to build the confidence to engage the Government on other issues.

The Policy stipulates that, “NGOs are organizations that do not seek political power or campaign for any political party.” (Paragraph 5.1(v).) It is also stipulated that the statutes, not the Policy, determine the extent to which Tanzanian NGOs may engage in political activities. From the definition of NGO, it seems that even though an NGO could be “established under the auspices” of a political party, it must remain “non-partisan.” “Non-partisan” is in turn defined as “not seeking political power or campaigning for any political party.”

It is also stipulated that the statutes, not the Policy, determine the extent to which Tanzanian NGOs may engage in political activities. From the definition of NGO, it seems that even though an NGO could be “established under the auspices” of a political party, it must remain “non-partisan.” “Non-partisan” is in turn defined as “not seeking political power or campaigning for any political party.” The policy was dramatically produced between the NGOs and the state whereby the CSOs had a great impact after producing an alternative policy leading to bargain and compromise.

They add that the Government's commitment to reform was tested when the policy was to be converted into an NGO Bill. The Government prepared a draft NGO Bill. “But NGOs protested that the Bill did not reflect the contents of the draft Policy but sought to reenact the old repressive laws.” We are told that successive draft Bills failed to reflect clear aspects of the Policy, and the Government showed some reluctance to continue consulting with NGOs. In October 2002, when the Non-Governmental Organizations Bill prepared by the Government was tabled before Parliament, NGOs mounted a very public advocacy campaign that many top Government figures saw as a challenge to their wisdom and authority. In the event, the Non-Governmental Organizations Act 2002, which retained the existing laws and added extra and confusing layers of regulation, was enacted. The Bill has not been finalized to date!

On the CSOs participation in the formulation of MKUKUTA Policy Forum leader Mugizi, G when asked if her CSO’s activities affected the relationship with the government, she said, “Well we have a love-hate relationship. Government loved our publication on the MKUKUTA but sometimes our briefs are taken as mere criticism….” NGOs and Political Activities are guided by the Principles of international law which generally favor removing restrictions on the freedom of NGOs to engage in public policy advocacy and to speak out or publish their positions….”, although some countries allow political participation.

5.2 Access to Cabinet Papers. Another finding is given by Dr Kaare S,C (2003) when he reports that CSOs can access and participate in policy formulation and budgeting at village, ward, district, municipality and regional levels. He adds that access to cabinet paper formulation at national levels around cabinet paper is relatively weak. However, access at national levels is evolving through joint planning initiatives in some selected sectoral ministries like Health and Finance. He reports that TGNP supports the Ministry of Finance to mainstream gender in the budgeting process.

5.4 In another development, at the Tanzania’s CSO’s country Analysis Egli and Zurcher (2007) share that having no choice, the citizens fought for their right to participate in the policy process rather than remaining as policy recipients. More achievements were the Sexual Harassment Policy and SOSPA, the Land Policy and related land Acts Among the broad range of CSOs in Tanzania the influence in terms of setting the political agenda differs. It is most prominent in the case of national urban NGOs and there are several landmark decisions by the parliament in which NGOs did a lot of lobbying (Land act 1999, NGO Act 2002). They also argue that that among the broad range of CSOs in Tanzania the influence in terms of setting the political agenda differs.

The controversy arises when some literature reveals political opposition cases.

6.0 CSOs Political Opposition. Examples from the International level

6.1 The Polish Democratic Opposition: Cohen J. L and Arato A(1992) reports on

the Polish Democratic Opposition when the civil society and the state made its most dramatic return in East Europe particularly the ideology of the Polish Opposition from 1976 to the advent of early solidarity and beyond. Society turned against the state, nation against the states social order against political system, public life against the state, private life against public power, the protection or self organization of social life facing the authoritarian state. It was learnt that a democratic civil society informed political projects. Forms of political action included worker’s strike, boycotts, demonstrations. Today civil disobedience is accepted as it initiates a learning process that ends the range and forms of participation open to private citizens within a mature political culture. This is viewed as one means available to ordinary citizens to exert influence on members of political society to ensure politicians remain responsible.

7.0 Examples from Africa:

7.1 Opposing authoritarian regimes: Mengisteab, K and Dadieh, C ( 2006) , shares that Africa has experienced significant changes in its political landscape since the beginning of the 1990’s decade. They claim that political changes in Africa are part of the global movement toward political liberalization. They remind us that the authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe, collapsed political systems in Latin America and they became liberalized and moved from bureaucratic to democratic practice. In Africa they report that the authoritarian regimes, military or one party system were liberalized due to popular protests and international forces as in Zaire, Togo and Malawi. Also they remark that the Kenyan Civil Society was more active for political liberalisation than that of Tanzania. They cite examples of some forces in Zanzibar pushing for more autonomy and possible withdrawal from the union. They admitted that some observers argued that the terms of the union (1964) were unfair to Zanzibar and she remained a junior partner while the opinion on the mainland was that Zanzibar has benefited from the Union. The democratic processes in each case were advanced by popular movements of the civil society impunity, despite a government ban on demonstrations…… “

7.2 Civil Society and political transition in Africa, Bratton (1994) writing on shares that “, In Africa there were cultural and religious institutions that express collective identities which began by protesting the ruthlessness of colonial rule and then formed nationalism movements. After independence some CSO’s were covered under the wing of the governing parties, others were banned and others survived. Associations were different., like Christian churches in Kenya and Burundi Islamic brotherhoods in Senegal and Sudan., journalists associations in Ghana and Nigeria, farmer’ organizations in Zimbabwe and mine workers’ unions in Zambia and South Africa. Moreover we also learn that African journalists have been a driving force within civil society for example in Tanzania several newspapers were introduced and they attack the government’s slowness to multiparty elections in 1995

7.3 Intense CSO/Political Opposition in Ethiopia: A press Release on the in the last quarter of 2007 was calling for action for the release of the Anti-poverty activists Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie who were arrested on treason related charges. "If found guilty, they could face life imprisonment or death sentences….. Because of their legitimate and peaceful civil society work, they have been detained since November 2005, on charges of conspiracy to overthrow the government.” Bekele and Netsanet, both coordinators of the Global Call to Action Against Poverty (GCAP) in Ethiopia , are the last two accused in the high profile Ethiopian treason trial that originally charged 131 politicians, journalists, organisations and civil society leaders. A petition was put online for well wishers to support the call by signing for the release of the two civil society activists. GCAP is also asking the government of Ethiopia “to respect the rights of civil society organisations and actors in Ethiopia to freely associate, assemble and express themselves without fear. These rights are enshrined in the constitution of Ethiopia, as well as the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights.”

7.4 GUINEA: Civil society crystallizing around unions

Conakry, 11 January 2007 (IRIN) reports that, “Guineans in the capital Conakry have already shuttered their shops and stayed home twice in the past year for citywide strikes, but a third, more ambitious indefinite national strike underway that week was proving a strength and unity among Guinea's civil society not seen since independence. It adds that, “The strikes in March and June 2006 were organised by the National Confederation of Guinean Workers and the Guinean Workers Union, two formerly rival unions that united in 2005 to protest 30 percent inflation, tripling fuel prices and worsening standards of living for ordinary Guineans. “This time, two NGOs, the National Council of Civil Society Organisations, an umbrella group for NGOs, and the Civic Alliance, a new grouping with branches nationwide, have coordinated with the unions. They held demonstrations calling for "a return to the rule of law" in the wake of persistent human rights abuses.

8.0 More examples from Tanzania
8.1 Government-civil society relations in Tanzania . Iheme, E (2005) writing for The International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law shares that this was shaped by the history and peculiarities of that country based on the government made policies and laws regulating civil society organizations. Thus, the regulations guiding civil society not only shaped civil society but also reflect the strength of organized civil society vis-à-vis the government. He adds that an important aspect of the regulation of civil society organizations related to how far, if at all, the organizations could be political. He shares that the Evolution of Government-Civil Society Relations, began in the late colonial era to immediate post-independence era (1954-63): For much of the colonial era, there was a liberal attitude to associations. By the early 1950s, due to the Kenya- “ mau mau”rebellion - against alien rule and the expropriation of the best agricultural lands by British settler-farmers the colonial government responded harshly, turning the colony into a police state and enacting the Societies Ordinance. Through this there was strict control of associations and groups and there was les freedom of association since they could be deregistered anytime. Fearing that the violent anti-colonial protests in Kenya spilling across the border into the British authorities in 1954 also enacted the Societies Ordinance into law in the then Tanganyika.

Julius Nyerere reorganized the Tanganyika African Association, converting it from a sporting and cultural association into a nationalist organization under the new name of Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). The Societies Ordinance notwithstanding, TANU was mobilized the Africans to demand independence. It is said that, CSOs like trade unions and cooperative societies were permitted to exist even though the Government saw them as irritants. One example was The Railway Workers Union. After independence in 1961, the Societies Ordinance was amended in 1962, the scope of the law widened. In the 1964-94 Period TANU had allied with other independent CS groups, the trade unions, during the struggle for independence. Iheme adds that The Tanzania National Women’s Council, BAWATA, was set up in 1994 by some leaders of the women’s wing of the ruling party. It registered as a society under the Societies Ordinance and sought to provide a nonpartisan platform for all interested Tanzanian women. The new organization style of leadership created tension between women leaders in the ruling CCM and BAWATA.”

The main programs were based on women’s rights, such as inheritance rights and the right to own land. BAWATA launched a civic education campaign during the 1995 elections which promoted women’s participation in the elections. “Yet the ruling party accused BAWATA of being political and pro-opposition. In September 1996, the Government deregistered BAWATA on the ground that it had engaged in political activities and therefore was in breach of its own constitution. The organization went to court to challenge the Government’s decision on due process grounds (the Government had not given it a chance to be heard before deregistering it) and on the ground that the Societies Ordinance is unconstitutional.”

Next, Egli. and Zurcher (2007) reports the case of “Haki Elimu (right to education) is a NGO founded in 2001 aiming at the promotion of public participation in education governance by strengthening school committees, teachers and student associations, facilitating planning at local level, advocating democratic principles in school management among other activities .For the advocacy work a variety of instruments are used: campaigns, and the use of radio and TV spots have proven to be very effective.

It is reported that in 2005 Haki Elimu released a report that summarized the findings of several government or government commissioned reports about the performance of the Primary Education Development Plan. This report provoked a strong reaction from the Government leading nearly to the ban of the NGO since it was accused of having distorted the truth (subsequently the NGO was not provided with government data any more). The report reviews the progress in the education sector and points to the many deficiencies such as big regional imbalances , poor condition in many infrastructures, imbalances in teacher’s deployment and leakage of funds at local level. Consequetly, the organisation with its 23 staff was threatened with a ban by the Government unless it apologized for the wrongdoing. However, thanks to intensive lobby work by journalists, intellectuals and the excellent reputation of its performance, Haki Elimu could continue to work.” p.14

8.2 The conflict of land management and democratization in Tanzania: Bainomugisha,A and Issaka, M. (2004) also wrote about where the introduction of the “Ujamaa” policy which reorganized the rural villages and economies along socialist line led to detrimental results of unpopular public land management and resource governance policies. Peasants pressure and resistance made the program to fail. The government’s land management policies also created large national conservation parks and game reserves that took away 240,000 kilometers or 26% of Tanzania land area from rural farming leading to severe hardships as many peasants lost their homes, pasture and hunting grounds.

8.3 Press Opposition and Freedom in Tanzania: Study findings of Lange, Wallevik and Kiondo (2000) indicate that the press is said to constitute real political opposition in Tanzania often publishing stories on fraud and mismanagement by politicians. “Readers’ Letters” also voice discontent with leaders and the judiciary. Also cartoons do comment on current political issues but sometimes are censured. However, they allege that the press is not completely free and that some journalists are paid to “write favourably about certain issues.

9.0 CSOs and Community Economic Development:

How has this influenced the field of CED in developing countries and developing regions and in Tanzania in particular? In the case of developing regions, and developing countries, we saw the World Bank and IMF efforts to partner with CSOs from developing countries for policy. Such macro level policy dialogues negatively influence Community Economic Development at the micro level because CED is not aid dependant but it is people centred. Furthermore, conflict in African countries influences CED very much because it is the women, children, the disabled, the elderly and the poor who are greatly impacted. The small resources available in the community or at family level are depleted. CSOs working for peace in Eastern Africa are protecting CED from disaster and retardation. CED needs to take lessons from Chile as shared above and move on.

Also, the case of the CSO’s involvement in the development of MKUKUTA or the NSGPR added value on CED due to the pro poor advocacy. Also the struggles of Haki Elimu were all based on ensuring the marginalized communities are accessing what the policies have promised but are not being implemented… The Gender Budgeting Advocacy by TGNP is targeting the marginalized communities which are sidelined by policies so that they are prioritized. Furthermore, the Lawyers Environmental Action Team (LEAT) has worked to reduce stringent land management regulations by promoting the development of democracy through responsible management of environmental resources in collaboration with the Good Governance Coordination Unit of The President’s Office. The work of LEAT was a positive influence for the pastoral communities to retain land as their means of production. Also, in the Guardian of September 28^th, an article read. “Stop EU trade links with ex colonies- protesters” The Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) viewed as a “balanced and equitable trade initiative between the EU and the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) is facing conflict with the civil society who want a full involvement of farmers as major stakeholders who will suffer the consequences when the agreement is signed. The CS efforts to postpone the signing of the EPA had the objective of serving the interests of the poor peasants and other producers who would be affected by the violent Free Trade Regulations.

Lange etal.(2000) shares that by 1993 61% of secondary schools, 87% o f Nursery Schools 43% of hospitals were run by Faith Based and CSOs. This is a big influence on ensuring communities were accessing education aiming at sustainability. Another example is of donor led partnership by the DED and FES, who have reported on their website to provide capacity building to CSOs in order to raise their awareness on democratic processes and governance. For example DED works with Pamoja Trust to conduct civic education and paralegal training to raise awareness of the population about their rights and duties and to participate in development based decision making. Apart from that, TASAF was formed as a Community Development Initiative to improve public social service infrastructure. This social fund seeks to protect the poor through the investments which people choose in order to improve their wellbeing and to cope with HIV and AIDS. National Village Fund Resources are supposed to be channeled through NGOs upon requests by communities. Unfortunately it is reported by TASAF officials that there has been sluggishness due to lack of experienced NGOs/CBOs to implement the sub projects!

Also, Ole Sena na Booy (1997) shares how World Vision Tanzania applies the Appreciative Inquiry approach to community development tries to find out about things at their best, about people at their best. Rather than ask people about things that aren't working or that are "broken," they are asked to identify their assets, to reflect upon the best elements of their culture, to recall a time when they performed exceptionally well, and then to hold that positive image of themselves as they envision even greater possibility. They argue that The appreciative approach helps her to facilitate the community's search for the best of what exists. What are the best farming practices in the community? What are the unique aspects of the community's culture that most positively affect the spirit, vitality, and effectiveness of community members? What is the core factor that gives life to the community?

The CD facilitator enables the community to engage in dialogue, through which a consensus begins to emerge, within the community: they say "Yes, this is a vision that we value and should aspire to." In summary, the appreciative approach to community development is empowering.

Hakikazi Pima Card. This is available on the Hakikazi website that this CSO has organized Participatory Monitoring of the PRSP and pro poor expenditure in selected areas of Arusha Municipal and Arumeru District is to give an indication of how poverty reduction strategies are working in the selected areas. Hakikazi catalysis has built the capacity of selected grassroots communities by using Participatory Action Learning Research from February and September 2003. This has empowered 14 Urban and rural Communities to demand accountability by monitoring and evaluating Poverty PRS budgets targets indicators and activities. Each monitoring community selected two PRS priority sectors to monitor and evaluate with Pima cards. Using PIMA (measure) Cards has resulted in ownership of PRS monitoring and Evaluation by the monitoring communities and they have capacity to continue monitoring other areas. Also it is reported that there are indications that the priorities of the councils do not match those of the monitoring communities thus rationale of the 2 institutions working together.

For the purpose of CED the concept of “Citizen Centred Advocacy” by Veneklasen and Miller is relevant as it refers to an organized political process that involves the coordinated efforts of people to change policies, practice, ideas and values that perpetuates inequality, prejudice and exclusion strengthens peoples’ capacity as decision makers and builds more accountable and equitable institutions of power. Some of the findings from different parts of the world displayed such efforts. The Advocacy Expert Series also underscores networking as one of the factor of success in advocacy since the activities depend highly on support from different groups in the community in order to have significant impact. Therefore, affected communities need to advocate and be helped to address their problems and offer solutions in a step by step manner like, identifying the problems educate ourselves on the causes and effects/consequences and then come up with solutions.

Lange, S, Wallevik, H and Kiondo, A (2000) when writing on Civil Society in Tanzania suggests the building of CS from below by using the education system, Targeting the children in developing associational life from early age like in the past when there was Red Cross, Scouts and Guides the teachers could help transform the role of CSOs. Also he noted that CSOs were concentrated in areas already developed and some communities were left behind. He recommends enhancement of popular participation and support processes that mobilize local resources using the mass media and popular culture. He adds that there are Conflicting Laws guiding CSO’s political participation and also reports of insufficient capacity among CSOs to influence the state.

10.0 Summary

The theoretical and historical perspectives as well as study and review findings have been presented from Tanzania and other developing countries. Despite the few opposing situations, generally the development partnership has dominated. Precisely, in Tanzania. In the 1950s there was a liberal attitude towards associations. In the 1960s there was the establishment of councils, socialism and a strong cooperative movement amendment to the society’s ordinance giving the govt. power to dissolve any company or association with unlawful trade. The 1970s saw the LG abolished and the Advocacy CSOs discouraged. The 1980s reintroduced LG and tolerance of new organisations not affiliated to party. The 1990s had Economic Liberalization, public sector reforms with SA Program and multiparty democracy. This was followed by the NGO policy and NGO Act, The Land Policy and Land Acts all done in consultation with the CSOs. Moreover, CSOs at national and local levels supported decentralization despite the government’s authoritarian tradition.

Apart from all this, it is indisputable that the mission of both the government and the CSOs is the same for implementation of the NSGPR, the realization of the MDGs and the Vision 2025. There has been consultation processes between the government of Tanzania and CSOs notably NSGPR whereby the government emphasizes the importance of the CSOs contribution to Tanzania’s development. Similarly, although the CSOs are supposed to be autonomous from the state in their operations, they are limited and controlled by the state’s legislation. No wonder that the national policy on NGOs was welcome by NGOs with mixed feelings as it threatens their freedom of expression, in governance, and advocacy and the NGO Act of 2002 is still un operational. Moreover, the CSOs have been questioning governance issues on the government, on its part of the government laments on whether CSOs have moral authority to question others while their own integrity and governance is also questionable. The review showed that Civil society in Tanzania is perceived as being fragmented and rather weak, by NGO representatives as well as by government representatives and by the parliamentarians. Generally CSOs feel they have had some positive impact on policy and legislative change, despite implementation problems. The Permanent Secretary of The PMO-RALG when opening the meeting of PMO-RALG and CS in Dar es Salaam on 22^nd August , 2007 remarked, “the Government alone cannot manage the realization of the huge task to combat poverty, ignorance and disease and providing a better social economic standard for everybody”. Whether at Meso or at Macro level the CSOs have influenced CED in the cited countries though not in its real sense. However, there are several missed opportunities. More could have been done to empower communities to stand on their own. That is why CED becomes a timely response to the sustainable and meaningful CSO and government partnership and globalization impact mitigation.

11.0 Conclusion and Recommendations

I have managed to gather information from a wide diversity of sources. The review has proved to us that although there have been significant achievements of CSOs as development partners nevertheless there is empirical evidence whereby CSOs have seriously opposed the political situations and have had their existence threatened in several parts of the world. However, many initiatives taking place are not necessarily CED. For example, the literature is not explicit about this and it was difficult to find a straightforward case. Even the latest literature still talks of “community development” Most of the time CSOs have been setting agendas for the people they work for. The examples shared above are like an improvised CED meaning that we still have a long way to go to see CSO’s influencing CED and another long way for scientific documentation of CED. My perspective is that we do not want to entertain this controversial situation and a solution ought to be sought since the consequences impact on the community. It may be important to review the role of CSOs and especially CBOs which deal directly with communities by encouraging as many community members as possible to join CBOs and build partnerships with them. One of the strategies related to Community Economic development is to strengthen civil society and increase civic participation through citizenship, cultural development, responsible government, community infrastructure, participatory democracy and public involvement. Advocates of CED emphasize that it is driven by the people who live in the community and such community takes a lead from the beginning.

There is need to follow the strategies and principles related to CED by integrating economy in the community based programs. This will make people start taking control of over what happens in their lives and communities. They will be able to manage, respond to challenge and transitions in the economic environment. Therefore, CSO’s capacity needs to be enhanced to enable them to assume new roles, become transformed and operate on the principles of CED. In this way they could learn to influence state policy from the bottom upwards. Ultimately, they will become better development partners with more economic focus and less political focus since they will be helping communities to utilize available resources and making own decisions. Whatever advocacy is about the bottom-line is poverty and CED addresses poverty. CSOs like REPOA and others need to help communities to track funding allocated for them, to access micro credit through SACCOS, Village Banks and others. Health related CSOs like HIV and AIDS should help communities with coping mechanisms. Moreover, it is necessary for communities to be acknowledged as development partners. Need for CED to fight for space and CSOs have to enable communities to access TASAF as a community funding opportunity with specific funding for villages. That is when the world will be a better place to live in where CSOs are embraced by the state and communities are supported to drive their own economic development.

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